“The Grand Operation”: Israel’s Gaza War Plan Regardless of Captive Deaths

The possibility of their death does not seem far-fetched, especially amid intensified bombardment and expanded ground operations—something that the families of the captives and other Israeli circles had previously warned about since Israel violated the ceasefire and resumed the war. Indeed, Israeli bombing has already killed a number of captives since the beginning of the war. Meanwhile, recent demonstrations demanding their return have failed to reach a level that could influence Benjamin Netanyahu and his government.

Amid intensified massacres through aerial bombardment and the participation of three Israeli military divisions in the expanding ground operation, the Hebrew newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth reported today, Friday—citing unnamed sources—that the goal is to pressure Hamas into making concessions and accepting either a partial deal or a full surrender. This would include the exile of its leaders, relinquishing control of Gaza, and full disarmament.

The idea of the “Grand Operation” looms on the horizon, aiming for total and decisive victory. In a sense, according to the newspaper, it is a modified version of the “Generals’ Plan” adapted to the current situation. It includes a vision for “voluntary migration” from Gaza. At its core, the plan calls for a broad and coordinated assault on the Strip, evacuating all residents from the north, south, and center—essentially from all regions—and pushing them toward a narrow humanitarian zone in the al-Mawasi area. The plan outlines a complete “evacuation” (i.e., displacement), leaving no civilians in central Gaza City, the north, or Khan Younis.

In response to a question from the newspaper about what would happen afterward, one of the officials involved in operational planning replied: “At that point, Hamas is supposed to be defeated or left controlling a small enclave.” He added, “There will be an opportunity for migration. In the humanitarian enclave, residents (of Gaza) will be offered the option to leave. I don’t know where to, or how, or whether it would be legal during wartime.” The source noted that some people “see this moment as a victory” and believe it could be used “as leverage to achieve other goals, including exile (of Hamas leaders) and disarmament.” The newspaper noted that the source had no clear answer on how such a wide-scale operation could be launched—especially one that may result in the death of the captives. It also questioned whether Israeli society had already given up on them.

The newspaper also pointed to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s announcement this week—made without informing the military command—regarding plans to seize control of the Morag axis, amid escalating displacement of residents from the edges of the Strip, particularly in Rafah and the north.

Meanwhile, Tel Aviv claims that there has been “some progress” in the negotiations, despite Hamas’s rejection of the Israeli proposal. While reports have circulated that Hamas is willing to consider releasing up to five captives, the occupying state is currently demanding no fewer than ten.

The issue is not just about the number, according to Yedioth, but about the framework. Hamas is insisting on a return to the signed agreement, but from the perspective of the Israeli government, that is no longer on the table. The paper quoted an Israeli security source saying: “Everyone knew we wouldn’t implement the second phase. The only way it would happen is if Hamas surrendered. Then there would be no problem—we’d move to a deal, all the abductees (captives) would be returned, and Palestinian prisoners would be released.”