Watan-Stephen Walt, a professor of international relations at Harvard University, wrote that he has often criticized U.S. actions on the global stage. He believed George W. Bush’s presidency was a disaster in foreign policy, Barack Obama’s eight years were disappointing, Donald Trump’s first term was complete chaos, and Joe Biden’s four years were marked by devastating strategic and moral blunders.
However, he emphasized that, unfortunately, it took Trump and his appointees less than three months to surpass them all in foreign policy recklessness. And that was true even before the “Signal scandal,” in which war plans in Yemen were reportedly leaked to a journalist.
Walt clarified that he doesn’t believe Trump is acting on behalf of a foreign power or consciously trying to make the U.S. less secure or prosperous—but his behavior makes it seem that way. He outlined a five-step playbook Trump seems to follow for wrecking U.S. foreign policy:
Step 1: Appoint Loyalists and Yes-Men
If you want to destroy a country, start by ensuring no one can stop you from doing reckless and damaging things. That means appointing unqualified individuals, blind loyalists, or people entirely dependent on your support, while pushing out anyone competent, principled, or independent.
As Walter Lippmann wisely said, “When everyone thinks alike, no one thinks very much.” This allows a misguided leader to steer a country into disaster. Historical examples include Stalin’s mismanagement of the Soviet economy, Mao’s catastrophic “Great Leap Forward,” and Hitler’s declaration of war on the rest of Europe. In the U.S., George W. Bush lacked strong internal opposition, which enabled the disastrous invasion of Iraq in 2003.
If you want to ruin foreign policy, surround yourself with obedient followers and silence dissent. This is a critical first step—if you plan to do many foolish things, you don’t want anyone stopping you.
Step 2: Pick Fights with As Many Countries as Possible
Because international politics is inherently competitive, successful countries cultivate many allies and limit their enemies. Smart foreign policy builds support and reduces opposition. The U.S., thanks to its favorable geography, has historically succeeded at building strong alliances globally—better than many of its rivals—largely by not behaving aggressively, even while exerting significant influence.
In contrast, aggressive behavior, like that seen in Imperial Germany, Maoist China, or Saddam’s Iraq, has historically unified adversaries against them.
What has Trump done instead? In less than three months, his administration repeatedly insulted European allies, threatened to seize territory from Denmark, and picked needless fights with countries like Colombia, Mexico, Canada, and others. He and Vice President J.D. Vance publicly bullied Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in the Oval Office, and like mob bosses, they’ve continued pressuring Ukraine to give up mining rights in exchange for continued U.S. aid.
The administration dismantled USAID, withdrew from the World Health Organization, and made it clear that the U.S. is no longer interested in helping disadvantaged communities worldwide—essentially boosting China’s image by comparison.
Last week, ignoring widespread economic warnings, Trump imposed a series of bizarre tariffs on allies and adversaries alike, leading to the largest two-day drop in U.S. stock market history and spiking recession fears. This wasn’t a crisis response—it was self-inflicted damage that will impoverish millions, even those without a single stock.
Step 3: Ignore the Power of Nationalism
Trump often brands himself as a staunch nationalist, but he fails to grasp that other countries are deeply nationalistic too. When he insults foreign leaders or threatens their territory, he stokes nationalistic backlash—and politicians in those countries quickly learn that standing up to Trump makes them more popular.
His clumsy attempts to bully and humiliate Canada backfired, angering Canadians and reviving the Liberal Party under leaders like former PM Justin Trudeau and his successor Mark Carney. One direct result: fewer Canadians are now willing to visit the U.S.
Step 4: Break Norms, Exit Agreements, and Be Unpredictable
Wise leaders of powerful countries understand the value of norms, institutions, and rules for managing international relations and restraining weaker states. Great powers occasionally challenge these rules, but doing so too often—or erratically—alienates allies and drives others toward more reliable partners.
Chronic rule-breakers like North Korea or Saddam’s Iraq become global pariahs.
Trump and his followers see institutions and norms as annoying limits on U.S. power. They believe unpredictability keeps other nations off balance and enhances U.S. influence. But they fail to recognize that these international structures were designed largely with American interests in mind and actually help Washington manage global affairs.
Ripping up rules and quitting major international organizations makes it easier for other powers to rewrite the rules to their own advantage. Unpredictability is also bad for business. Companies can’t plan or invest when policies shift overnight. A reputation for unreliability deters others from cooperating with the U.S.
Step 5: Undermine the Foundations of American Power
In today’s world, economic strength, military capacity, and public welfare depend heavily on knowledge. America’s technological and scientific leadership has been central to its global dominance for decades.A president who truly wanted America to be “great” would do everything possible to stay ahead in innovation and research.
What has Trump done instead? Besides appointing anti-science figures like Robert F. Kennedy Jr. to key roles, his administration launched a full assault on the institutions that drive scientific progress in the U.S. It wasn’t just attacking Columbia, Harvard, Princeton, and Brown for questionable reasons. His administration shut down the U.S. Institute of Peace, dismantled the Wilson Center, gutted the Department of Health and Human Services, crippled the National Science Foundation, and threatened to cut billions from medical research funding.
The result? Research programs shut down, PhD programs canceled, and fewer qualified researchers for the future. Foreign scientists will look elsewhere, and America’s ability to attract global talent will suffer. Some U.S.-based scientists may even relocate to countries that still support and respect their work. Trump is feeding the very engine of American strength—its knowledge sector—into a woodchipper.
And it’s not just the natural sciences or medicine at risk. Attacks on social sciences, regional studies, and the humanities are also dangerous, as these fields offer fresh ideas for addressing societal challenges. These disciplines analyze and critique policies, allowing citizens and leaders to understand what works and what doesn’t.
When politicians silence or marginalize dissenting voices, foolish policies are more likely—and less likely to be corrected when they fail. That’s why authoritarian regimes target universities and independent knowledge sources when consolidating power, even if it makes the country poorer and more ignorant in the long run.
In conclusion, Walt argues that Trump’s system violates much of what we know about sound decision-making and global politics. It favors groupthink, blind loyalty, and silences healthy debate. It ignores the natural balancing behavior of nations, alienates allies, and misreads nationalism. It rejects historical and economic insights, and rather than restoring America’s greatness, these missteps will leave the U.S. poorer, weaker, and less respected worldwide.
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